Thursday, 18 December 2025

Brandjacked for social media advert fraud: Microcelebrities' experiences of digital crime in South Africa

Written for readers interested in the virtual epidemic of digital crime and online scams.

The Noakes Foundation established the Fake Celebrity Endorsement (FCE) research project in 2023 to address research gaps regarding the brandjacking of South African public figures in fake social media adverts. I’m delighted to share that the FCE's first peer-reviewed article is now available in a special Cybercrime issue from Acta Criminologica: African Journal of Criminology and Victimology.  {Please note that the journal's ‘Open Access’ policy initially provides restricted access via the SABINET archives. These are available via university libraries’ annual SABINET subscription for SA_ePublications (Sabinet African Electronic Publications). There is a 12-month open access embargo from the date of publication/loading on CRIMSA’s website, so expect external access to be available from January, 2027}. 


The article was written by myself, Dr Taryn van Niekerk, Dr Karen Heath and Mr Japhet Mutomb Kayomb to begin covering the cybervictimization experiences of a hard-to-reach sample of South African public figures. This post provides some context to the (i) neglected digital crime problem that our scholarly contribution spotlights before summarising (ii) the article's literature review, (iii) the research and its key findings, (iv) their broader implications, plus (v) suggested areas for future research:  
 

i. Digital crime cybervictimisation as a neglected research problem in the Global South

A massive footprint of digital crime looms right across South Africa. Pumped through a hypnotic body of popular social media platforms that include; Alphabet's YouTube, Bytedance's Tik Tok, Meta's Facebook, Instagram & WhatsApp, Microsoft's LinkedIn and xAI's X. Forced labour cybercrime compounds pump billions of scam adverts through these platforms daily into the path of locals' scrolling fingers. Once clicked on, algorithms push even more scam slop to users. Once tricked, victims are completely unsupported. They have no recourse against cybercriminals cloaked behind expensive privacy services. Nor will an apology be forthcoming from unscrupulous and unrepentant advertising hosts. Notably, Meta earned 16 billions of dollars of ill-gotten gains in a year from sharing criminal clientele's adverts (Horwitz, 2025). 

In South Africa (SA), it can be unclear to victims which authorities to report these crimes to. Financial victims will not be reimbursed by their bank, and cannot expect support from law enforcement or other local authorities (Noakes, 2025). This complete lack of societal support for victims of 'digital crime' distinguishes this online crime from 'cybercrimes'. These target corporations, whose employees are often better positioned to respond with the support of corporate technical teams and cybersecurity countermeasures (Olson, 2024). For example, during the COVID-19 pandemic, SA businesses were targeted with spear phishing emails impersonating colleagues, line managers, and senior executives (Minnaar, 2020: 45). Executives in blue-chip companies using cyber defence services, such as ZeroFox, benefit from proactive monitoring and countermeasures versus executive impersonation. In stark contrast, even the most influential public figures outside corporate cannot access such costly support for fighting digital crimes.

Their scale approximates an epidemic, with Africa being among the fastest growing regions in terms of cybercrime activities (Kshetri, 2019). Its rapid growth of digital crime follows patterns in the Global North, where cybercrime now represents up to half of all crime (Aebi, Caneppele & Molnar, 2020). Growing at 15 percent a year, the economy of cybercrime would be the third largest in the world if it were considered a nation. Only the economies of the United States and China are larger (Bo, Franceschini & Li, 2025). A recent taxonomy of scams (Zhou et al., 2024) identifies that many different types contribute to a rapidly evolving fraudulent economy:

    1 Financial fraud (e.g. phishing “employment” scams)
    2 Identity theft (impersonation and brandjacking of small businesses)
    3 Internet health scams (weightloss ads brandjacking doctors)
    4 Advert fraud (marketing fake “pop concert” tickets)
    5 E-commerce and product scams (non-existent “flash sales”)
    6 Online harassment (cyberstalking, cyberbullying and doxxing)
    7 Social engineering (business phone fraud and cold calling scams)
    8 Crowdfunding and charity scams (a fake crowdfunding site purportedly linked to a political party’s “fundraiser for student bursaries and groceries”)
    9 Lottery and prize scams (unsolicited messages claiming recipients have won prizes, and that they should pay a fee or provide their bank details)
    10 Employment scams (impersonate hiring companies to request fees for job placements)
    11 Romance and relationship fraud (cyberdating that leads to “employment” offers)
    12 Spam (unsolicited SMS and email communications featuring marketing offers or scams)
    13 Miscellaneous (QR phishing code scams that elude email security software)

In stark contrast to the high prevalence of digital crime, little research addresses people’s cybervictimisation experiences in responding to online scams. In response, we wrote a paper that starts covering South African public figures whose reputations were brandjacked for fake endorsements. This ever-evolving digital crime can involve six scam types: 1. financial fraud, 2. identity theft,  3. internet health scams, 4. advert fraud, 5. e-commerce and product scams, plus 7. social engineering.We also address how digital crime content spans a myriad of digital services: from (A) ads on popular social networks to "research reports" on academic networks; across (B) search engine results, blogs and online forums; from (C) clickbait news to fake business index listings, plus shopfronts; and (D) onto local fulfilment via global retailers or local sellers.

The inspiration for our paper started in 2019, from when the reputations of Prof Tim Noakes and Dr Michael Mol were repeatedly brandjacked for fake endorsements, primarily in Facebook ads for non-existent products (e.g. ketogummies). Dr Karen Heath, myself and other reps worked to raise public awareness of these scams, and to stop them on social networks. We didn’t have much success with the latter, especially on Meta’s Facebook and Instagram, where most victims reported being scammed. With Prof Noakes and Dr Mol's revictimization being an intractable problem in 2022, I identified a gap in scholarship on this particular digital crime. The Noakes Foundation's Academic Free Speech and Digital Voices project launched the FCE as a new Digital Visibility Risks theme.  It catalysed novel interdisciplinary work between health communication, psychological and digital forensic experts for understanding cybercriminals’ fake endorsement adverts on social media platforms, and celebrities experiences in responding. In 2023, Dr Adrie Stander (Advanced Digital Forensics) did an Open Source Intelligence investigation  that established the vast extent of the scam. This investigation also revealed that the scammers used professional tools, such as CloudFlare. This made even locating their continental origin impossible.

ii. Literature review

The team’s ongoing literature review suggested an opportunity to respond to an urgent call for 'exploratory cybervictimisation research that can help address ever-expanding patterns of online victimisation’ (Halder, 2021, 4-6). Just as FCE micro-frauds typically evade detection by authorities, they also seem by-in-large to have escaped scholarship. There seemed to be no scholarly accounts of SA celebrity influencers’ lived experiences of cyber-victimisation, brandjacking, and impersonation. This contrasted to many press reports- we tracked how over 50 SA celebrities had been brandjacked by 2024. Brandjacking is the allegedly illegal use of trademarked brand names on social network sites (Ramsey, 2010, p. 851). 

The psychologist and victimisation expert, Dr Taryn van Niekerk, led our interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA) of celebrities' and their reps' accounts. Taryn also led a literature review on cybervictimisation across the North-South divide. It unpacks the development of Northern scholarship on cybervictimology, plus the growing literature on this topic from the global South. Importantly, it highlights the gap in knowledge around the subjective experiences of digital victims, and more specifically, microcelebrities. Our paper proposes that the ‘how’ and ‘what’ of victim identity within global Southern cybercriminological scholarship can be reimagined. We further suggest what is required to develop a body of scholarship that yields insights into cybervictims' needs, and routes to recourse.

 iii. Research and key findings

During the preliminary research process, we tested our approach by interviewing representatives from The Noakes Foundation. In late 2024, Price Green Creative Studio approached over 50 SA celebrities’ agents to request they participate in cybervictimisation research. Almost all in this hard-to-reach sample declined, despite generous incentives. Such research resistance is an interesting topic in itself, as Professor Michel Anteby describes in The Interloper (2024). The agents’ common feedback was that their celebrities were concerned about the potential for revictimisation. They seemed unfamiliar with how research ethics would protect them. For example, as part of securing ethical approval, the FCE organised cybervictimisation experts to provide psychological support should interviews have proved traumatising.

We completed fieldwork in early 2025, with: Dr Michael Mol and a rep; Shashi Naidoo; Prof Tim Noakes; and his representatives having done separate, semi-structured interviews. Their feedback supported an exploration of how individuals’ positions as public figures shaped their lived experiences as victims of complex webs of digital crime. The findings showed how fake endorsements and brandjacking were experienced as relentless and as interwoven with other forms of online fraud, highlighting the deep intricacies of their mechanisms. These digital crimes varied in their severity, ranging from impersonation to sextortion for child pornography, leaving trauma and emotional chaos in their wake. They were furthermore aggravated by their unknowable and unpredictable nature, leaving many unanswered questions. Each celebrity victim was left without closure i.e., who the cybercriminals were, where the crime originated, where they might next be brandjacked online, and if it would ever end! Finally, as novices in cybercrime fighting, both the celebrities and their representatives attempted varied techniques to stop the work of ‘savvy cybercriminals’; however, many described this battle as grim and having minimal impact.

iv. Broader implications from our research

These findings have important practical implications for SA’s regulatory environment, digital crime reporting and law enforcement authorities, plus victim support:

New laws are urgently needed to regulate social media platforms that profit significantly from scam advertisements. For example, Meta’s internal documents describe how it fears regulation as the only credible threat to its scam advertisement business (Horwitz, 2025). Regulation could mandate reporting on advertising fraud, impose penalties for slow takedowns of scams, and provide local micro-agencies (e.g., Meta Trusted Partners based in South Africa) with the opportunity to take down scammers’ accounts and content. Artificial intelligence watermarking could also be mandated for identifying AI-generated content to aid in tracing its provenance.

The epidemic of digital crime may largely go unreported and remain invisible to local law enforcement authorities. This gap must be addressed by the state increasing support for formal channels to report digital crime. Regular, publicly accessible reports on digital crime and cybervictimisation could be mandated to raise awareness while also supporting platform accountability.

It seems likely that there will be a long wait before regulatory and enforcement measures are in place to protect victims of cybercrime. In the interim, an anti-digital crime network could be established to advocate for and provide support to victims and future targets of online scammers’ digital crimes. This network could raise funds for the neglected area of digital crime scholarship in the Global South, tackling important gaps, such as who is vulnerable and what types of preventative education are most impactful.

Addressing this paper’s meaningful questions about ‘risk’ and victimhood in the online domain can offer opportunities for more extensive dialogue about cybervictimisation experienced by the broader public. As a digital crime, fake celebrity endorsements target private individuals and the general public with limited access to resources for combating fraud. Many of the financial victims are elderly, with little disposable income. 

We trust that our research may additionally inform legal and social media policies that can better support South African victims of this crime. Such a contribution seems highly salient for the challenging environment that SA law enforcement faces in resolving online crimes.

v. Suggested areas for future research

Our study offers an exploratory focus on a novel area of research and recommends that future studies develop this focus on microfrauds and their cybervictimisation of civilians. Research on cyber victims must gain traction to motivate digital platforms and law enforcement to better assist individual victims. This study illuminated just three SA public figures’ cybervictimisation experiences, but other local celebrities’ experiences may differ according to their contrasting roles and types of exposure. There is also an opportunity to explore public figures' experiences in the Global North. Scholars can also address how realities ‘on the ground’ prevent brandjacking cases from being stopped, and what some solutions might be.

There are many future research directions that could enhance the understanding of digital crimes and cybervictimisation in the Global South. In particular, researchers could expand our understanding of the online experiences of victimisation beyond public figures to include everyday citizens. Scholars can urgently contribute to our understanding of who may be vulnerable, how they are targeted online, and the damage they experience. Academics can also contribute to a growing understanding of how individuals can be better empowered to guard against the myriad of digital crimes from which labour compounds and Big Tech profit. For example, little is known about how multi-cultural anti-crime communications might be improved for more effective outreach. The development of knowledge by SA scholars on cybervictimisation, digital crime reporting, and regulatory remedies, along with anti-crime education, seems vital for assisting citizens in combating the overlooked frontline of digital crime.

To further mobilise this body of work to ensure SA’s protection of digital consumers, this study offers several recommendations for future research and the development of policy. In stark contrast to the well-resourced cybercrime fighting efforts in the corporate sector, digital crimes that target ordinary individuals are often neglected. Therefore, there are significant incentives for expanding this body of work on digital crime, particularly from a Global South perspective, where cybercriminological scholarship is growing and requires further insights into victims’ experiences and support. In terms of theoretical contributions, this study’s utilisation of IPA as a qualitative tool to gain insights offered meaningful observations into the relational experience of victimhood shared by the participants. It demonstrated how cybervictimisation is experienced as persons-in-context and contributes to the extensive literature on IPA by providing novel insights into digital forms of victimisation.

Help support our future research

The size of the digital crime problem is vast, but little scholarship of it exists. This is directly related to how the global leaders behind research funding far prefer prioritising making grants to tackle the "harms" (unproven) of (mis-, dis- and malinformation). This MDM- with no A focus, seems to be an addictive topic for censorious 'hall monitors' in the Communication and Media Studies fields.

Not so for The Noakes Foundation which has worked with Price Green Creative Studio to prepare a funding proposal 'Protecting South Africans from “petty” digital crimes: a case for urgent funding'. It proposes to tackle key areas in (v) future digital research, and research funders are welcome to contact me for a copy on noakest@cput.ac.za. I also welcome advice on any related external funding opportunities linked to digital crime in SA.

Gratitude

Our article developed from a collaboration between two public benefit organisations. I greatly appreciate The Noakes Foundation’s and Dr Mol's support, plus the research participants’ contributions. The qualitative research contribution of psychologist Dr Taryn van Niekerk was integral to our manuscript. In particular for leading the literature review and applying a critical interpretative phenomenological approach’s analysis from Big Q Qualitative Specialists (Pty) Ltd. Thanks too, Dr Adrie Stander and Dr Alize Pistidda-Scheenstra for digital forensic advice. And Mrs Megan Lofthouse for assisting with the project’s fieldwork, plus Dohne Green from Price Green Creative Studio for driving outreach to celebrities' agents. The authors also greatly appreciate the legal advice of John Spengler and Adam Pike of Pike Law regarding local laws and regulations that cover fake celebrity endorsements and social media advertising frauds. Thanks too to Dr Ashwill Phillips and Professor Francois Steyn for their journal’s positive response to our abstract's submission. Plus for their assistance in the review process and organising helpful reviews that helped particularly with addressing our article’s context and contributions to the field. We also appreciate The Criminological Society of Africa (CRIMSA)'s for its role in supporting and publishing Acta Criminologica.

In the press

Lyse Comins from the Mail and Guardian has covered our concerns in Meta criticised for slow action as deepfake adverts target South African celebrities (2024).

Comments welcome

I am particularly interested in comments related to scholarly collaborations, digital crime research funding leads, or offers related to anti-digital crime networking support.

Monday, 20 October 2025

Understanding the resistance health experts face in dissenting from medical science orthodoxy and challenging its dogmas during COVID-19 #WNS2025

Written for those keen to understand the resistance that health experts face in challenging dogma, plus  why new knowledge might not change public health policy, or the Medical Sciences field. 

On Saturday the 18th, I gave a talk that addressed the World Nutrition Summit (2025)'s theme- 'Rewriting the Rules: Nutrition, Science and Chronic Disease'. My speech focused on two cases of evidence-based contributions from health experts being confronted by heavy resistance for challenging COVID-19 policy. This talk’s three sections addresses the many ways in which even the agency of eminent experts is not as free to shape public health policy as they might hope, or even reasonably expect. This talk's insights emerge from a new research project with Dr Piers Robinson aiming to develop a framework for the challenges that eminent experts negotiate whilst criticising dogmas. Below is the talks slides on Slideshare, and the transcript that I read:

Section 1 - Two cases of resistance


SLIDE 1
Given the great lies that Nick Hudson identifies*, it's important to understand how the evidence-based contributions from health experts can confront heavy resistance for challenging supposedly scientific guidelines.

* Nick spoke earlier about 'Hudson's Razor'- how false scientific propaganda can readily be identified in it featuring; (i) a global crisis, (ii) a need for a global solution to this threat, and (iii) being accompanied by strong censorship. His talk addressed the large scale scams of (a) statins, (b) the COVID-19 phenomenon, and (c) "man-made" climate change.

#2
As regards “Rewriting the rules" this talk’s three sections speaks to the many ways in which even the agency of eminent experts is not as free to shape public health policy, as they might hope, or even reasonably expect. This presentation’s insights emerge from a new research project aiming to develop a framework for the challenges that eminent experts negotiate whilst criticising dogmas. Hopefully, such research helps us better understand all the ways in which critics' autonomy is reduced. Particularly as they become vulnerable to strategic campaigns from powerful decision makers.

#3
Here follows two cases from very different contexts: The first is for a frontline doctor in Mitchell’s Plain who was censored against sharing his successful COVID-19 treatment protocol. The second is for a US presidential health adviser whose evidence-based challenge to lockdowns, etc. became sidelined. Both cases suggest the high levels of resistance that experts face in attempting to “rewrite the rules” with their individual contributions. Even during a “public health emergency” that should necessitate health experts challenging each others' ideas to uncover the best scientific explanations!

#4
In his practice just 30 kilometers away, Dr Rapiti was one of a few brave doctors who continued to see patients at the start of COVID. This was despite him being 72 years old then, placing him at higher risk. Early into COVID, both international and local authorities advised clinicians that there was no treatment for the “novel coronavirus”. In stark contrast, Dr Rapiti developed a successful, low-cost protocol for treating almost 4,000 patients. He’s drafting a 100+page book that shares Table 10 on the right. It illustrates this protocol's success across each COVID wave.

#5
His practice believed that health authorities’ guidance disagreed with the foundational principle of medicine- to treat early and prevent deterioration. Its patients were treated with an aggressive, high-dose protocol of: Ivermectin, corticosteroids, anti-inflammatories, anticoagulants, and targeted nutritional supplementation. This protocol’s cost ranged from R 400 to 700 per patient (so under $30). Interestingly, his practice avoided COVID-19 testing as being a needless expense that often-produced false positives. He argued that to do testing was not cost-effective medicine, when many of his patients could barely afford food. Plus, the obvious diagnosis was pneumonia* requiring urgent treatment. 

* Dr Rapiti adds (email correspondence, 21.10.2025), 'A major contributing factor for my huge success during the Delta phase was that I discovered a set of simple clinical tools which helped me to predict COVID pneumonia and to treat it before it was detectable on X-ray or on MRI scans. With approach I was able to nip the disease in the bud, ensure rapid recovery and prevent major complications. I was never recognised for this finding which could have been widely used by under-resourced countries in Africa, Asia and South America.'

#6
Instead of learning from Dr Rapiti’s direct patient experience and early therapeutic successes, academic institutions and policy makers ignored it. Similarly, the video content that he shared on his successful protocol was censored by YouTube and Facebook. Plus, his interviews on BiZNews, and talks to the Good Hope Christian Church.

#7
On Instagram and Medium, he was deplatformed entirely for "contravening community standards". He also experienced interference against speaking out for Ivermectin on Heart 104FM. Several doctors wrote to Radio 786, warning against featuring Dr Rapitis’ outspoken views on COVID-19 vaccines and the pandemic. His scheduled talk there was cancelled and he was never invited to speak on 786 again. Instead of radio audiences having access to open views in SA's "free society", the airwaves were dominated by official COVID narratives.

#8
Dr Rapiti’s outreach on the US’ National Public Radio became an opportunity for a journalist to smear his practice’s use of Ivermectin… drawing on Professor Salim Abdool Karim’s critique of this “untested” drug... by then proven to work on over 700 of Robert's patients! Dr Rapiti was smeared in Google’s search results, and by fact checkers. In response to content takedowns by major social networks, his practice’s weekly Sunday communications shifted to Rumble, Substack, Telegram and Twitter (now X). These platforms did not remove content, such as his 300 videos showcasing successes.

#9
Dr Rapiti continued with community outreach on Loving Life internet TV, Dr Tess Lawrie’s show, the Good Hope Christian Centre, and the station LN42. Many people then began contacting him regarding treatments for their post- mRNA vaccination injuries. Many were also affected by mental illness, which his practice was unusual in addressing via psychotherapy.

#10
His practice continues to develop its holistic psychological approach- promoting the low-carb lifestyle, and prescribing a 14 hour digestive break. Learn more about this innovative work on Dr Rapiti's website, Substack, or by reading his book on addiction treatments.

#11
During COVID, Robert gathered many testimonials, which included this pertinent example. His intervention supported a daughter in releasing her 71-year-old father from hospital where he was receiving a poor quality of care.

#12
Benefiting from home-care and following Dr Rapiti’s protocol, the patient recovered within six weeks. He moved off oxygen and could shower, eat and move freely. Such success as evidenced in this testimonial would seem valuable information?

#13
A public health response typically requires non-conventional thinkers to develop low-cost solutions for rapid treatment innovation. In Dr Rapiti’s chats with me, he raised an interesting point about “missing information” in COVID-19 being itself a source of misinformation. He flagged that it should be a point of concern that the learnings of many frontline doctors seemed ignored, despite their successes. At the same time, the voices of academic experts who did not treat patients were dominant in setting policy. He did not believe it was sound that his observational studies, and the empirical results from his practice, should face vilification and censorship.

#14
The next case is very different in foregrounding how a pro-vaccine US presidential health advisor’s argument for ending lockdown measures, and their negative impacts, became ignored for reasons of political perception. The title of Dr Atlas’ 2021 book “A Plague Upon Our House’ references Shakespeare’s Romeo and Juliet in which Mercutio curses the feuding Montague and Capulet families, he was no member of. Like Mercutio, Dr Atlas blamed the heavily polarised Republican versus Democrat struggle for the persistence of bad policy choices. In particular, lockdowns’ catastrophic economic harms that worst impacted America’s working class, and African Americans. Instead, Dr Atlas argued for focused protection in two 2020 articles for the Hill. The second foregrounded the five key facts, in pink here, that seemed ignored by advocates for total lockdowns.

#15
Due to his public health expertise and prominent criticism of the poor scientific basis for lockdowns, Dr Atlas was approached to be a presidential health adviser. In visiting the White House to be screened for this role,  he became concerned at how simple PCR testing indicators still informed the government’s response after six months. By contrast, he believed that the five points in pink should have by then have been in use. He was also concerned that the COVID-19 Task Force did not have a public health expert on it, believing this contributed to that Force ignoring an analysis of the steep costs that lockdowns cause, particularly to society’s most vulnerable- children, the poor and the elderly.

#16
At the same time, Dr Atlas was concerned at the negative bias of America’s mainstream pro-Democrat broadcast media, who keenly flagged any poor outcomes to spotlight Trump administration was "not listening to The Science™️". The expert presence of Dr Atlas at media briefings threatened this narrative.
Likewise, providing scientific support for reopening businesses and schools challenged official COVID-19 policy. As Dr Atlas’ activities were also perceived as potentially aiding Trump’s re-election, he describes becoming a target for smears in the mainstream media, censorship on social media platforms, plus criticism from senior academic peers. Many examples are provided in his book, but my talk is short, so I’ll cover key examples: For starters YouTube pulled down a Hoover interview in which Dr Atlas spoke to why reopening schools would be safe, with children’s low-risk of COVID. Likewise, an expert panel discussion on the flawed scientific rationale behind the extended lockdowns, outdoor masking, plus masking of children, was removed under YouTube’s ‘medical misinformation policy’ in March, 2021. 

#17
Twitter also temporarily banned Dr Atlas’ account after he questioned the efficacy of masks. Despite quoting sources, such as the CDC, WHO, and Oxford, and reiterating official mitigation protocols. He was reinstated after recognizing his Twitter censorship, but remains highly concerned at the implications for science in a supposedly “free society” that such censorship holds. This includes Facebook’s removal of 7 million pieces of COVID-19 dissent and an unfair Wikipedia profile claiming Atlas spread “misinformation”. In a seemingly unprecedented move, the Stanford Faculty Senate issued a resolution claiming that Dr Atlas had “fostered” falsehoods and misrepresentation of science. Prof John Cochrane wrote an interesting critique of this resolution, asking its authors to provide concrete examples of the opinions and statements they took issue with before he might sign it. They did not reply. 

#18
In addition to chilling open debate, the resolution also catalysed threats to Dr Atlas that necessitated a police presence outside his home and the installation of expensive home security equipment. While Dr Atlas was successful in providing more protection for people in nursing homes, he was ultimately frustrated in changing policies around testing, lockdowns and re-opening education. A strong example of policy inertia was evidenced in attempt to redefine the CDC’s guidelines on COVID testing: To improve timely results for priority cases, Dr Atlas had motivated that new guidelines should provide clearer guidance on both focused testing for the vulnerable, and for the public. After this new testing guidance was published it received pushback from talking heads on TV, senior Democrat politicians and public health organisations.

#19
After a two-week flurry of attacks, the CDC posted guidance that reverted to the old measures- the power of public perception seeming to trump scientific revisions. Media control was also evidenced both via the White House’s failure to publicise a meeting between its Secretary of Health and Human Services, and Professors Bhattacharya, Gupta and Kulldorff. Likewise, the BBC pulled out of interviewing them unless a perspective for the lockdown narrative could be included. This after the BBC had featured only pro-lockdowners for months! Alongside CNN, Forbes, Politico, New York Times, The Washington Post and other media, dissenters were demonized after calling for focused protection and reopening. "Herd immunity" became a weaponized term, while COVID-19 fears were exaggerated to manipulate support for lockdowns.

#20
Such fear-mongering pushed unhinged individuals to harass Dr Atlas in Washington DC, and via social media. He resigned from his public health advisor position in December. Despite presenting stong arguments, he was unable to change the COVID Task Force’s policies for mass testing, business lockdowns and educational closures. His case serves as another cautionary tale on “Rewriting the rules” as it bridges many concerns: Political polarisation infecting medical science and academia, contributing to a desire to censor alternate viewpoints. The power of the mainstream media in propagandising for a fake scientific consensus, and smearing dissenters. Finally, scientific discovery can be actively suppressed by bureaucrats, when enabled by conflicted politicians, and further abetted via censorship on Big Tech.

#21
Despite being a public health policy expert, Dr Atlas’ most valuable contributions were blocked by bureaucrats. They ensured that lockdowns, mass testing, masking, and educational facility closures were applied, whilst their negative impacts went largely undiscussed.

#22
Drs Atlas and Rapiti’s cases suggests 11 key points on resistance: Both doctors were well-positioned to challenge COVID-19 narratives due to their extensive medical knowledge. Each had to negotiate a huge asymmetry between their resourcing versus the orthodoxy’s. A sanctions stack’s pressure influenced the duration and motivation of their respective resistance- while Dr Scott Atlas left the White House in anger and disgust, Dr Rapiti has become even more motivated to challenge the status-quo. During COVID-19 he was leading his practice at all hours, so could not formally contribute to the academic literature on his successes. This suggests how during an emergency the scholarly literature will exclude important frontline knowledge as “missing information”. Many scholars may not appreciate the extent of this, thanks to The Science™️’s heavily controlled “health communication for consensus” architecture.

#23
Despite their expertise, both doctors were quickly presented as part of a medical “fringe” for raising inconvenient questions. In terms of changing policy, Dr Atlas' opportunity to contribute as a presidential adviser proved not to be as influential as he expected, given that powerful networks he seemed unfamiliar with were actually controlling COVID-19 policy. These two slides help explain why changing policy, knowledge to ‘Rewriting the Rules' is so hard, even for the most eminent dissidents. At a meta-level, there is also the challenge of a lack of explicit disclosure around what the Undone Science is. Likewise, scientific suppression’s role in supporting bias is under-researched. A lack of awareness around health communication as propaganda, scientific suppression and Undone Science, are all important blind-spots in the academic Health Sciences, and its literature.

#24
Blindness to all three pose an obstacle for academics and their students understanding what is taught as truth. A topical example is the recent promotion for the EAT-LANCET’s “planetary health diet”
First funded by mega billionaire Gunhild Stordalen and launched in 2019, this diet was updated by the EAT-Lancet Commission 2025. 20 of the most influential critics of the original diet were targeted for pre-bunking in advance through the Meat vs EAT LANCET report. It falsely claims that the meat industry not only funded criticism of the original “planetary health diet” but also directed dissenters in their successful backlash. This report is just one of many “health communication” pieces planned by the GPPP’s plant-based, processed food stakeholders for their One Health approach.

Section 2 - Unanswered questions from the COVID-19 “public health” response (AKA a Global Biodefence Public-Private Partnership’s Chorus Effect)


#25
Such an example points to how the “public health” response context in which experts operate in
can serve as a mirage, concealing the apposite agendas of funders.

#26
Here are some questions that required answering but seem not to have been prioritized during COVID-19. Both doctors contributed to this knowledge in the brackets shown here. Framing resistance to their answers, helps us learn how authoritarian networks block knowledge contributions that might catalyze social change. 

#27
Experts’ free speech and civil rights were heavily constrained during COVID-19. Like most countries, South Africa did not see the practice of active academic freedom with robust debate on campuses, or even in many journals. Nor did its national science organisations fund unorthodox research, notably as regarding personal health prevention, or into brave physicians' development of successful, low-cost protocols.

#28
Before COVID-19, such brave frontline work would be a key part of a standard public health emergency response. As per (ii) in a list of five guidelines described in Debbie Lerman’s book. While COVID saw the healthcare capacity increase, points (i), (ii), (iv) and (v) were ignored. The Deep State goes Viral's compelling explanation is that by mid-March the COVID response had been transferred in many countries from Departments of Health to Military and National Security agencies. This shift supported a “quarantine until vaccine” approach, previously applicable for countering bio-terrorism. With this change, public health planning switched to non-stop ‘lockdown until vaccination’ communications.

#29
Such an unprecedented shift reflected the triumph of a ‘dual-use’ endeavour: The National Biodefence complex’s collaboration with the Global Public-Private Partnership (GPPP). Its agents are shown in the table on the right. ’Dual use’ describes efforts that may serve both military and civilian objectives.
Pathogens can be bioweapons, but they can also spread naturally. Countermeasures from the Pandemic Preparedness Industry can be used against both natural outbreaks and bio-terror attacks. After 9/11, biodefence research grew dramatically, supported by government and non-profits keen to support the study of pandemic counter-measures. The civilian side of this research was mostly funded by public health agencies and mega-nonprofits interested in vaccine development to control natural disease outbreaks.
As these were potentially useful against bio-terror attacks too, it was unsurprising that these fields merged into a dual-use entity called ‘biodefense’ or “health security”. This symbiotic military/civilian enterprise could attract more funding and exert greater influence than biodefence or pandemic preparedness alone.

#30
The growth of such collaboration in the USA, also coincided with a shift of power away from nation states, as capital and political power migrated into the GPPP. This is the context of a “health security” leviathan for mRNA vaccination emerging during COVID-19, as an indispensable system “too big to fail”. Its alignment to long term GPPP Great Reset ambitions, provides an interesting context to ground
resistance in each case: Dr Rapiti proved that a viable, low-cost treatment existed, which would pose a threat to Emergency Use Authorisation of the experimental “vaccines”. Likewise, Dr Atlas’ questioning of lockdowns, mass testing, and masking challenged the environment of fear necessary for maintaining social control past the roll-out of mass vaccination. Do read the books below for more on this nefarious reality.

#31
The Global biodefence PPP builds on the large influence of Big Pharma, which already exerts a huge amount of financial control via the ‘Chorus effect’. Journalist John MacGregor’s book spotlights this effect. There is huge commercial buy-in across all key social agents, which poses a challenge for them
appreciating any value in “heretical” vaccine critiques, such as in the books on the right.

#32
Research into the resistance dissidents face can help us better appreciate the complicated context of why experts confront suppression of evidence-based contributions. Resistance research can also help scholars appreciate how scientific suppression impacts what is neglected, or entirely absent in the scholarly literature.

Section 3 - Flagging the impacts of powerful resistance to experts


#33
This section addresses how the field of resistance studies help us understand suppression versus those attempting to ‘rewrite the rules’. Resistance studies supports understanding marginalized social agents who aim at developing intellectual autonomy and oppositional ways of thinking for combating epistemic injustice from networks of power exercising domination. Unusually, we focus on cases where resistance is readily identifiable, since COVID-19 dissenters inevitably must strive to gain visibility for their contributions. 

#34
In preliminary research, we are collating cases for varied types of experts' COVID-19 contributions, where individuals describe facing strong resistance. 

#35
These myriad of examples presents an opportunity to address a neglected topic; how institutional and other structural constraints work against dissident experts. Answering the first question entails exploring the concern of systematic bias against dissent in the top medical journals. While the second addresses how experts felt constrained in making their critical contributions. The third covers the myriad of constraints that led to a bias for the official COVID-19 narrative in medical academia.

#36
Due to its broad interdisciplinary nature, resistance studies is well-suited for describing the Undone Science of COVID, plus the varied tactics that authorities can use to suppress legitimate academic contributions from a diverse group of experts.

#37
For example, the typology of ‘Internal Challenges in Medicine’ spotlights a continuum from resistance into rebellion, and onto heresy. Heresy is a suitable concept for our cases since medical orthodoxy has the power to define which COVID contributions were “unacceptable”, meriting greater resistance and marginalisation.

#38
Delborne’s conceptual framework is useful for describing the contrarian science of COVID dissidents and the types of impedance and outright suppression their contributions faced in failing to be reviewed, or to receive strong counter-arguments against their ideas. Plus, resistance to their research program, and even dissidents’ entire scientific field.

#39
The “Classification for Suppression Methods in Science” will also be referenced, since it is likely that the experts we interview will describe self-censorship, experiencing external complaints, blocking of their outputs, with attempts to stigmatise and discredit their work. And direct attacks on career prospects.

#40
The first characteristic, in pink here, that Prof Martin flagged in ‘Censorship in Science: Deeper Processes ' (2024) flags how scholarship would seem dangerously one-sided if it does not fairly address treatment paradigms outside of costly mRNA vaccination. The 13 unanswered questions spotlighted in the previous section speak to ‘Undone Science’. Last, the issue of incorporated science is flagged- GPPP investors are not disinterested parties, as the COVID-19 response transferred trillions of dollars of wealth from us, as private citizens, to the GPPP’s supporters.

#41
The previous frameworks are just a small sample of what’s been written on institutional resistance against dissenting individuals. We will be writing a review article to define what’s been done. This will ground our research plans and help us develop a comprehensive framework for undergirding our hard cases and research articles. The two cases shared with you today spotlight that the suppression of experts’ contributions is not a minor matter. Hopefully, our project will raise greater awareness for this, whilst contributing to policies that can better support the rights of individuals to express credible dissent, and to over-write bad rules, and the lying rulers who enforce them. 

#42
Thank you for listening to our work.

#43
And thanks to the team that supports TNF’s Academic Free Speech focus, and to CPUT and the Organisation for Propaganda Studies.

#44
Thanks too to the Nutrition Network for this opportunity.

#45
Please contact me on with any questions, comments or concerns about this presentation…

Monday, 6 October 2025

The Meat vs EAT-LANCET report as a targeted smear - the example of misinformation on Emeritus Professor Tim Noakes

Written to highlight bias in a report with a covert agenda, plus to defend Prof Noakes’ online reputation from yet another Big Food-funded smear.


Published in September 2025, The Changing Markets Foundation’s Meat vs EAT LANCET publication positions itself as a credible, investigative report. By contrast, I argue that it should rather be understood as a covert 'smear' communication event. In simple terms, a smear is 'an effort to manipulate opinion by promulgating an overblown, scandalous and damaging narrative' (Attkisson, 2017). The goal is often 'to destroy ideas by ruining the people who are most effective at communicating them' (p.3). The ‘Meat vs EAT-LANCET’ report fulfils a smear's criteria; its investigation uses inconclusive evidence to defame critics of the original “planetary health” diet (Willett et al, 2019) as shills for the meat industry.


As a communication event, ‘Meat vs EAT-LANCET’ is located within a long-running scientific argument and diet controversy. This concerns; what constitutes a healthy diet for individuals, the best food systems to support this, who gets to decide, and what research merits funding. In the Health Sciences and related fields, this rivalry pits two sides against each other. The dominant orthodoxy promotes high carbohydrate diets that suit the interests of the plant-based and processed food industry. In contrast, dissenting experts advocate for low carb lifestyles, plus real foods from the farming of livestock and regenerative agriculture (Teicholz, 2014). It is not co-incidental that the Meat vs EAT-LANCET report's release occurred shortly before the next communication from the orthodoxy- the EAT-Lancet Commission report (2025). The former's release was planned to pre-empt criticism of 2025's report by smearing the most influential critics of its 2019 pre-cursor. Such blowback seems motivated by the low-carb critics' initial successes- for example, a flagship launch event was planned at the World Health Organisation (WHO) in Geneva, Switzerland, but  the WHO pulled out. Its withdrawal ‘followed a massive online backlash, which had concentrated on one of the report’s recommendations: to cut global red meat consumption by 50 percent’ (Carlile, 2025).


As described in Lars Magne Sunnanå’s Substack post (‘A diet to save the planet - brought to you by a Wall Street bet on margarine’), the supporters of Environment, Agriculture, and Transformation (EAT)'s Commission learnt from this failure. The EAT-Lancet Commission 2025 report's release will be better co-ordinated- with 70 scientists, new safeguards against "misinformation", plus many more partners and allies ready to defend the research. Other plans include involving scientific institutions like Harvard and Cornel to produce and publish a range of translation articles, alongside a campaign with a “celebrity influencer group”. Funders that include the Rockefeller Foundation and Gates Foundation, plus sponsors such as the Flora Food Group are providing additional support. Widespread coverage can be expected in scientific publications and key media to promote the revised diet. It merits consideration why the steep fees of a large PR campaign were supported by the report's funders to make this the report 'du jour', versus funding other forms of outreach (such as open debates on its merits?).


Published on the 3rd of October, The EAT-Lancet Commission 2025 report is part of a broader campaign for EAT and its collaborators to establish themselves as an “independent Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) for food systems. Should they succeed, their IPCC will likely be able to increase its sponsorship and attract more funders. At the same time, the proposed IPCC for Food is part of an agenda to "streamline" decisions on food systems. Driven by an few highly influential actors, this initiative has the risk of imposing a narrow view of science by excluding many voices on food systems (IPES, 2021).


From a PR perspective, the Meat vs EAT-LANCET communication event is part of a pre-emptive campaign. Its funders hope that by framing the most influential critics of the “planetary health” diet (PHD 🙄) as surrogates for the meat industry, the content of their arguments can be ignored. The report frames critics of the 2019 report as: (i) being funded by an “evil” meat industry; (ii) taking funds from its PR agencies; and (iii) being co-ordinated by them in an attempt to discredit “the science”. This frame suggests that influential individuals' criticism of the “planetary health” diet is commercially-driven, anti-science heresy. Such framing illustrates Wolpe's (1994) insight that "heresy" is socially constructed by orthodoxy. Its defenders have the power to define which views are unacceptable and will face marginalisation. Here the orthodoxy presents critics of the EAT-LANCET commission to be an amoral group of duplicitous outsiders. They are “attacking” a virtuous group of meat-industry-fighting truth seekers, whose noble role is to “defend the science”. In stark contrast, critics of the PHD are presented as basely-motivated. They are defamed as reliant on the meat industry’s financing and planning for launching a significant online “backlash”.  This publication's argument is very close to calling for action to get rid of influential experts who have dared to contest the EAT-Lancet's scientific guidance (Stanton, 2025).


A biased “research” report with a covert agenda

As a communication event, the report is a patently transparent smear tool which seeks to create a digital pillory for the critics of the original EAT-Lancet 1999 reports’ many flaws (Hirvonen et al., 2020, Zagmutt et al. 2019, 2020). The Meat vs EAT-LANCET report is biased, its authorship is opaque, and its funding sources are hidden:


The obfuscation of funding sources is typical for the network funding man-made climate change research (Nordangård, 2024A), plus other projects that support of Agenda 2030 (Nordangård, 2024B). The Meat vs EAT-LANCET report does not disclose who its funders are, nor does it make an ethical acknowledgment for how that funding shapes its choice of subject and potential biases. The report is a co-production of two non-profits embedded within the Davocracy (Camus, 2022). Renaud Camus' neologism blends "Davos" (referring to the World Economic Forum and its global elites) with "-cracy," describing a managerial, cybernetic regime. Its financial powers—such as banks, multinational corporations and Big Tech - strive to exert sovereign control over human populations. This is facilitated via Global Public-Private Partnerships (GPPP) that stoke exaggerated fears, such as climate change catastrophism (West, 2023), that the GPPP's Social Development Goals (SDG) grant it the mandate to address. Dovetailing with this ideology, The Changing Markets Foundation strives to ‘shift market share away from unsustainable products and companies, and onto environmentally and socially beneficial solutions’.


Changing Market’s analysis in the Meat vs EAT-LANCET report was built off original research done by Ripple Research an “AI-for-Good advisory firm”, owned by the NPO Śrāvaṇa in Switzerland. Ripple is committed to ‘designing solutions for the most pressing global challenges and to effectuate enduring large-scale social impact through our unique Human+AI approach.’ Both non-profits are are bedfellows in having GPPP stakeholder clients who benefit directly from scientific dissent to their industries being miscast as “misinformation”. As part of an "Infodemic", all dissent versus climate change, mRNA vaccines and the WHO’s COVID-19 policies can be simplistically grouped. All such content becomes labelled as "misinformation" from amoral “misinfluencers", even when produced by eminent experts with decades of scholarship in their field! Such simplistic analysis for an "Infodemic" ignores the fact that disinformation, misinformation and malinformation (MDM) from authorities may well have far worse impacts than voices raising dissent, as was evident during COVID-19 (Noakes, Bell, & Noakes, 2022).


It the Meat vs EAT-LANCET report was ethical, it would disclose that its creation is riddled with conflicts of interest. Even with such disclosure, this negative PR exercise would not warrant being placed in the ‘research report’ genre. As an academic report, it would be desk-rejected as unworthy of peer review; it is not a fair-minded exploration of evidence, but merely serves to support a witch-hunt based on tendentious allegations stretched to seem credible. This is another hallmark of the smear, it salaciously works to confirm what a lot of people (e.g. vegetarians, vegans and processed food addicts) want to believe. A smear works by confirming its audiences' pre-existing suspicions (Attkisson, 2017, p.4). As Goebbels observed in his diary, propaganda works best when those who are being manipulated are confident that they acting in their own free will. In this case, sympathetic readers are primed to ignore that it was not poor science that motivated the independent experts' critique. Instead they are asked to believe the Meat vs EAT-LANCET report's claim that the "potential of the report to lead to regulation and societal change" posed a serious threat to the interests of Big Meat and Dairy. In response it co-ordinated a 'significant online backlash – against the report’s findings and the Commission itself' (p.5).


Misinformation in the report regarding @ProfTimNoakes


Despite being four years in the making, the Meat vs EAT-LANCET report is riddled with errors and falsehoods. This post's focus is on the errors in my father's example, Emeritus Professor Tim Noakes, following the example of Dr Georgia Ede's line-by-line rebuttal on X.

Mentioned by name 18 times in the report, he is often referred to as “mis-influencer Tim Noakes”, instead of by his hard-earned academic titles (Dr or Emeritus Prof). The "mis-influencer" GPPP neologism describes ‘individuals or entities actively spreading or amplifying mis- or disinformation within digital spaces, to influence wider narratives and opinions'. (p.3) Presumably the report’s choice strives to hypnotise readers- hoping a lie repeated often enough becomes true. Smearing also demeans its target, following another tactic of Goebbels. Propaganda must facilitate the displacement of aggression by specifying the targets for hatred. In this reports' case, all twenty mis-influencers are demeaned. At the same time, this open report's smear seems also to be an attempt at tying the term "mis-influencer" to "Tim Noakes" results via search engine results and AI answers that have crawled Meat vs EAT-LANCET's pages.

On page 14, the report shows that @ProfTimNoakes has not shared original tweets featuring the #ClimateFoodFacts or #Yes2Meat hashtags. The report asserts that the ClimateFoodFacts tag was co-ordinated via the Red Flag agency, “likely on behalf of” the Animal Agriculture Alliance (AAA). By its own criteria, this page suggests that Emeritus Professor Tim Noakes was NOT involved in the AAA influence campaign via Red Flag. He never posted any original (e.g. "sponsored") #Yes2Meat tweets.


Page 16’s two-sentence smear “biography” for the 'Doctor/health influencer' Tim Noakes alleges he has a “Career built out of promotion of high meat diets. Red Flag consulting identifies his content in a report back about the success of its campaign to discredit EAT-Lancet. He is also likely one of the ‘experts’ Red Flag refers to having briefed." Firstly, Emeritus Professor Tim Noakes only endorsed the low-carb lifestyle from 2010, having taught a high-carb diet for the previous thirty years of his academic career. To claim that his career was “built out” of promoting red meat is defamatory and false. Secondly, neither Emeritus Professor Tim Noakes nor The Noakes Foundation even knew that Red Flag consulting existed before the report. Nor has either ever been approached by the Animal Agriculture Alliance or any other of its representatives. Just as it is defamatory and false to term Tim Noakes a “mis-influencer”, it is also patently false to claim that he and/or his foundation have been paid to critique a seriously flawed EAT-Lancet report. That said, the Meat vs EAT-LANCET report does use plenty of hedging expressions and false innuendo, instead of factual statements. A wise choice, as the use of insinuation, not stating facts, protects the Changing Markets Foundation from being at risk for a defamation suit from this report's twenty targets.


On page 22, the report continues its smear of red meat funding collusion by asserting that Tim Noakes and other experts were identified as “relevant” to Red Flag’s campaign in its leaked document. Given the high Twitter visibility of @ProfTimNoakes and the other 19 accounts, it is not surprising that they would be mentioned in any report on influential low-carb, keto and/or carnivore lifestyle accounts. However, this should not be conflated with them being social media “influencers”- individuals desirous of using their large audience reach to peddle marketing campaigns for advertisers. Based on the Changing Markets Foundation and Ripple’s analysis of the engagement levels of these accounts, “it is likely that these are the ‘experts’ Red Flag highlights as having briefed and who ‘substantively engaged’ with criticising EAT!Lancet.” Again, the analysts hedge their false claims with “it is likely”, and do not not explain the basis for asserting such a "likelihood".


On page 29, "Tim Noakes" is described as a “Health influencer” here, rather than the doctor, scientist and academic (or Professor Emeritus) that he is. In contrast, page 36's section, Doctors, and health and wellness ‘experts’, acknowledges that “Tim Noakes” has medical training. But it claims that he, Shawn Baker and Gary Fettke have all had “issues with their medical licences because of the dietary advice they promote.” Again this is a false assertion, Emeritus Professor Tim Noakes has never had any concern with “issues” regarding his medical license. Any issues were in the minds of the diet dictators that tried, and failed, to end his academic career (Noakes and Sboros, 2022). Their attacks had no legitimate basis, and therefor no credible chance for success. Further, the claim that since Prof Noakes fell under the category of doctor mis-influencer that he “played a pivotal role in the pushback against EAT!Lancet, unleashing #Yes2Meat…” is false. As the report states on page 14, @ProfTimNoakes did not share original tweets featuring the #Yes2Meat hashtag.


Instead of focusing on Emeritus Professor Tim Noakes’ significant contribution to the academic literature on nutrition in page 37, the report’s profile for him one-sidedly focuses on controversies. This is a hallmark of authors more intent on writing a smear than preparing a balanced appraisal (Attkisson, 2017). For example, the Changing Markets Foundation writes: ‘Noakes was investigated by South African health authorities in 2014, after a dietician complained about a tweet in which he had told a mother she should wean her baby onto low-carbohydrate, high-fat foods. He was cleared of misconduct in April 2017.’ 


Another clear indicator of bias in The Changing Markets Foundation's and Ripple Research’s report lies on page 63. None of Professor Tim Noakes’ books or seminal articles are referenced in this one-sided bibliography. Perhaps if the reports"investigators" had read Challenging Beliefs, WaterloggedLore of Nutrition or Real Food on Trial, they would appreciate that Prof Noakes if highly critical of industry’s influence on science. A red flag (pun alert 😉!) that he is highly unlikely to be persuaded to participate in a paid-for campaign by Red Flag, or any other funder. Rather his participation in the debate is driven by a concern for the actual science that the EAT-LANCET Commission neglects. This is due to the false-beliefs associated with a plant-based, climate catastrophe ideology (well-described by West, 2023). It is therefor unsurprising that ‘Meat vs EAT-LANCET’ report is shockingly inaccurate, written to serve as the propaganda smear agenda of the EAT-LANCET Committee. As Dr Zoe Harcombe wisely stated, the report is “the very epitome of misinformation - disinformation indeed - of which it accuses others.”


A report mirroring the Davocracy groupthinkers' biases

The globalist group, EAT-Lancet, is a well-funded by NGOs and corporations. Like most GPPP linked charities, it is unaccountable to the public. Its funders are keen for a high -carbohydrate, mostly plant-based “planetary diet" to be prescribed everywhere, and for everyone. EAT-Lancet and its co-believers work primarily through cities to force/"nudge" reductions in red meat, aiming to drastically reduce livestock for reducing climate emissions. This planetary friendly diet is apparently intended to provide a scientific basis for a ’1.5 degree-aligned’ global food system. While beautifully designed by Pietro Bruni of www.toshi.ltd, this report’s tosh (pun #2 alert 😉!) conceals the funding money grabbing aims of researchers behind it. As too, the nefarious globalist agenda of GPPP stakeholders keen to sideline meat and dairy in favour of the industrial slop that its stakeholders would prefer we eat to “save the planet” (not incidentally reducing our health, boosting the wealth of billionaire "philanthropists", and aiding depopulation).


The GPPP has been criticised as being an unelected network of governments, corporations, and international organisations, that use manipulative control mechanisms to seize global resources and achieve economic dominance. Critics including civil society groups and organisations, such as Public Services International, have highlighted concerns with the GPPP. These include its lack of transparency, accountability, and undue private influence over public policy. The GPPP skirts these issues through deploying deceptive terminology. Terms like "inclusive," "sustainable," "equity," and "resilience" mask the GPPPs true intentions, promoting a false image of environmental care, whilst advancing a covert agenda. Notably, the GPPP has created an asset rating system tied to Sustainable Development Goals and Stakeholder Capitalism Metrics, that serve to support technocratic economic and social control by redefining and commodifying the "global commons." Hubristic claims like the "planetary diet" are all part of a well-considered propaganda approach to shape and control media discourse via definitional pattern control. The authors of the ‘Meat vs EAT-LANCET’ report use of the neologism "mis-influencer" serves as an example of this in enabling them to determine who falls under this new category, rather than speak to earlier examples. In addition to such control, another aim of the report is to serve as a wrap-up smear that can be linked in results from Search Engines, Artificial Intelligence chats, plus on Wikipedia to the twenty "mis-influencers" profiles. This is a contemporary tactic through which high-profile dissidents are targeted by the playbook of 'Big Food'... who copied and built on the Tobacco industry’s original edition (Brownell et al., 2009).


Don't believe the Meat vs EAT-LANCET report's hype, the EAT-Lancet Commission's 2025 report is just a bad GPP sequel. If the planetary health diet was a product of honest science, it would not fear critics pointing out the PHD's faulty reasoning. And it would not need to smear experts with made-up claims in a fake "report" for pre-bunking an inevitable "backlash" of well-deserved critique. 

If you have suggestions for improving this post, do comment below, or contact me

Online resources

Brownell, K. D., & Warner, K. E. (2009). The Perils of Ignoring History: Big Tobacco Played Dirty and Millions Died. How Similar Is Big Food? The Milbank Quarterly, 87(1), 259–294. doi.org/https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0009.2009.00555

Camus, R. (2022, August 10). [Journal entry on davocratie and global remplacisme]. renaud-camus.net/journal. Defined the term 'Davocracy' in his French journal. Vauban Books is his English publisher, vaubanbooks.com.

Professor Frédéric Leroy and colleagues wrote an opinion piece examining a coordinated effort by a small group of animal rights activists, backed by aligned media outlets (e.g., DeSmog, Sentient Media, The Guardian, Vox), to discredit established experts and organisations in the domain of livestock agriculture.

lams.substack.com/p/a-diet-to-save-the-planet-brought Lars Magne Sunnanå’s Substack English post describes new industry backers of the EAT-Lancet 2.0 report, and their communication concerns after the backlash to the first version.

Nina Teicholz, PhD and Dr Gary Taubes' Substack addresses industrial-strength corruption of nutrition science and guidelines, focused on the US, at unsettledscience.substack.com/archive?sort=new

Noakes, T. M., Bell, D., & Noakes, T. D. (2022). Who is watching the World Health Organisation? ‘Post-truth’ moments beyond infodemic research [COVID-19; divisions in knowledge labour; intergroup contradictions; international health organisation; mRNA vaccines; pandemic.]. Transdisciplinary Research Journal of Southern Africa, 18(1), 1–13. doi.org/10.4102/td.v18i1.1263

thenoakesfoundation.org/questioning-the-science-is-not-misinformation-its-the-essence-of-progress is a short response from The Noakes Foundation to the Meat vs EAT-LANCET report.

Stanton, A. A. (2025, October 11, 2025). Understanding The EAT-Lancet 2.0. cluelessdoctors.com. Retrieved

10/14 from https://cluelessdoctors.com/2025/10/11/understanding-the-eat-lancet-2-0/



Wolpe, P. R. (1994). The dynamics of heresy in a profession. Social science & medicine, 39(9), 1133–1148. https://doi.org/10.1016/0277-9536(94)90346-8

zoeharcombe.com/2019/01/the-eat-lancet-diet-is-nutritionally-deficient/ features a factual dissection of the nutritional deficiency of the EAT Lancet diet by Dr Zoe Harcombe. The Meat vs EAT-LANCET report makes no attempt to critique her blog, because its nutritional analysis that confirms dangerous deficiencies is correct.


Books

Attkisson, S. (2017). The smear: How shady political operatives and fake news control what you see, what you think, and how you vote (1 ed.). HarperCollins. harpercollins.com/products/the-smear-sharyl-attkisson?variant=32216080056354

Noakes, T., & Vlismas, M. (2012). Challenging beliefs : memoirs of a career (2 ed.). Zebra Press. penguinrandomhouse.co.za/book/challenging-beliefs/9781770224612

Noakes, T. (2012). Waterlogged: the serious problem of overhydration in endurance sports (1 ed.). Human Kinetics. human-kinetics.co.uk/9781492577843/waterlogged/

Noakes, T., & Sboros, M. (2017). Lore of Nutrition: Challenging conventional dietary beliefs (1 ed.). Penguin Random House South Africa. penguinrandomhouse.co.za/book/lore-nutrition-challenging-conventional-dietary-beliefs/9781776092611

Noakes, T., & Sboros, M. (2019). Real food on trial: How the diet dictators tried to destroy a top scientist (1 ed.). Columbus Publishing. realfoodontrial.com

Nordangård, J. (2024). Rockefeller: Controlling the Game.  (1 ed.). Skyhorse Publishing. skyhorsepublishing.com/9781510780217/rockefeller/

Nordangård, J. (2024). The Global Coup D'etat: The Fourth Industrial Revolution and the Great Reset.  (1 ed.).  Skyhorse Publishing. skyhorsepublishing.com/9781510782037/the-global-coup-detat/

Teicholz, N. (2014). The big fat surprise: why butter, meat and cheese belong in a healthy diet (1 ed.). Simon and Schuster. simonandschuster.com/books/The-Big-Fat-Surprise/Nina-Teicholz/9781451624434

West, A. A. (2023). The Grip of Culture - The social psychology of climate change catastrophism (1 ed.). The Global Warming Policy Foundation. thegwpf.org/content/uploads/2023/07/West-Catastrophe-Culture6by9-v28.pdf

Thursday, 4 September 2025

How to label DJ mixes in Apple Music and organise them into a playlist - an Atmospheric Drum & Bass Revival exemplar

Written for Apple Music users interested in better curating their favourite DJ mixes under one playlist.

Bedroom DJ TraVice here- poorly tagged music files are a pet peeve of mine. I like 'em well-tagged for easy selection. Hopefully this post suggests the value of doing this with the example of a proper playlists creation from Atmospheric Drum & Bass Revival's downloads: This Facebook community is dedicated to the 'past, present and future of the atmospheric genre’s sound', as championed by its pioneers LTJ Bukem & DJ Fabio from the early 1990’s. Building on facebook.com/share/g/16JMzzdxzA, this group’s leadership launched a mix series to showcase its community’s DJ mixing talent in 2023. At the time of writing, 20 mixes are available to stream off Soundcloud at soundcloud.com/atmosphericdrumandbass, with 13 offered for free downloaded (see example in Figure 1).


Figure 1. Atmospheric Drum & Bass Revival soundcloud download selection.png
 Figure 1. Atmospheric Drum & Bass Revival soundcloud download selection


In Apple Music a new playlist is simply created by pressing Apple and N at the same time. After downloading the mixes, they can be placed in a playlist by dragging them there from Songs, or simply right clicking on the mix and selecting <Add to playlist>, then choosing ’ Atmospheric Drum & Bass Revival’.
Figure 2. Atmospheric Drum & Bass Revival mixes playlist in Apple Music
Figure 2. Atmospheric Drum & Bass Revival mixes playlist in Apple Music

While playlists can be ordered any number of ways for viewing via <Viewing Options>, I like to use the filenames to clearly indicate the order of release (01 - 13). They must also clearly indicate the series they are from through a consistently applied title (yes, the exact same one for readily displaying the entire series in searches!).

With all 13 mixes in the playlist (see Figure 2), it’s now time to improve the labelling of each mix. To improve on Figure 3’s example below, I must enter labels into DJ Illesta’s mix’s fields.


Figure 3. DJ Illesta Atmospheric Drum & Bass Revival 1 Apple Music info start.png
Figure 3. DJ Illesta Atmospheric Drum & Bass Revival 1 Apple Music info's starting point

There's much that can be added- artist, album, album artist composer, year, rating, bpm and comments. The extent of which depends on your interest(s). Likewise some labelling choices will be fairly subjective. Take genre for example, I use “drum and bass”, because most of this genre in my library defaults to the softer atmospheric style. However, aficionados of the hard jungle style may choose that to be their default. They may also prefer using DnB or drum & bass, while I use “drum and bass - hardstep” for grittier tracks/mixes.

It’s also important to appreciate that Apple Music’s labelling/tagging system is not designed around labelling DJ mix-sets. This is a meta-problem, since DJs are musicians whose medium is often a blend of other musical artists’ production and sounds. Apple Music’s labelling is understandably geared to the latter’s conventional works. It would struggle to cope with the "meta-mentalness" of a DJ doing a continuous remix of another DJs productions and remixes- for example, try labelling the producer DJ Lenzman’s 2020 mix of DJ Redeyes' tracks!

With an academic hat on, this challenge suggests the multimodal difficulty of labelling DJ’s music work via Apple Music (and iTunes)'s textual labels. Its indexing system caters to original musicians/composers, versus producers, remixers and DJs. For example, there is no dedicated option for adding a DJs setlist. Instead one can appropriate <Comments> (for very short set-lists) or <Custom Lyrics> (for more typical ones, eg. over thirty minutes). Since Atmospheric Drum & Bass Revival provides setlists for each mix, these are easy enough to copy-and-paste as “Custom Lyrics”- see Figure 4.


Figure 4.  DJ Illesta Atmospheric Drum & Bass Apple Music track listing in lyrics
Figure 4.  DJ Illesta Atmospheric Drum & Bass Apple Music track listing in lyrics

Since there is no <DJ> identifier, I often add DJ before an artist's name. This makes it easier to select from DJs under the Artists view, depending on one’s mood… Also for a mix of one artist’s work by another DJ (such as Sasha’s “Voyage of Ima” remix of producer BT’s album), it seems apt to use “Composer” to reflect the DJ’s role. {That said, for popular/mainstream DJs, I do lose the DJ to ensure Apple Music manages them by their artist name}.

Figure 5 shows what the completed details page looks like- much better than Figure 2's starting point!


Figure 5. DJ Illesta Atmospheric Drum & Bass Revival 1 Apple Music info complete + cover.png
Figure 5. DJ Illesta Atmospheric Drum & Bass Revival 1 Apple Music info complete + cover

Working to update the labels of many files is a schlep, so speed things up by creating a cut-and-paste file. This also helps ensure consistency across labelling.

My txt file simply contained the:
Album title format
0# Atmospheric Drum & Bass Revival Mix Series - DJ
Album
0# Atmospheric Drum & Bass Revival Mix Series
Grouping
Atmospheric Drum & Bass Revival Mix Series
Date
2022 2023 2024 2025
Track
1
Disc number
13

In each song, I set the track number to be 1 of 1 to reflect an entire DJ's mix. In contrast, the disc number follows the Atmospheric Drum & Bass Revival mix series' order, e.g. disc number of 1 to start my curation of 13. This seems apt in being similar to the sequential serialisation of podcasts.

N.B. As you work to add information to each "song" please note that these updates do not automatically reflect in your Apple Music playlist’s display. So, click to another list, then return to yours for updating its view.  

And here’s Figure 6's end result- an Atmospheric Drum & Bass Revival playlist with all mixes extensively labelled, plus all album covers added.

Figure 6. Atmospheric Drum & Bass Revival Mix Series playlist with full information
Figure 6. Atmospheric Drum & Bass Revival Mix Series playlist with full information

Nice one, selecta DJ TraVice! Your drum-n-bass playlist is now optimally prepared to rinse out...

Fellow trainspotters welcome to rant-&-RAVE in the moderated comments below 👇

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